DPP’s ‘mobile-network disruption drill’ a political stunt, exposing its role as a troublemaker to cross-Straits peace: expert_我的网站
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An aerial view of Taipei, Taiwan Province. Photo: VCG At 2:30 pm on Thursday, Taipei resident Michael Chou received a mobile alert, stating that due to "simulated air attack on communications infrastructure," mobile network access would be affected. It turned out to be a mobile internet disruption drill in the northern part of the Taiwan island. As part of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) authorities' "urban resilience drill," the exercise was designed to simulate scenarios of limited communication resources amid major disasters or wartime conditions and verify public‑service backup capabilities, according to Taiwan-based media. Yet in the view of observers, this performative farce not only disrupts residents' daily lives, but also acts as a tool for DPP authorities to hype up crises and amplify cross‑Straits confrontation. It essentially serves their scheme of "seeking independence by force" and narrow‑minded electoral interests. As reported by udn.com, the exercise ran from 2:30 pm to 3 pm. When the alert was triggered, local police diverted pedestrians and vehicles to the roadside and urged the public to take shelter indoors. With mobile network speeds throttled, most people at the site lost mobile internet access; many waited out the drill indoors with available Wi‑fi and passed the time by chatting or reading. Chou told the Global Times that 4G and 5G connections were heavily throttled during the drill, though Wi‑Fi and text messaging still worked. Even so, the exercise has created real‑world inconveniences, disrupting takeout delivery, transport‑related ticketing and outdoor emergency rescue services. Local legislator Ko Ju-chun from the Chinese Kuomintang party was also among those opposing the drill. He accused the DPP for abusing emergency alerts which only exposed the public to inconvenience. He noted that a genuine network‑resilience drill should focus on "how the public obtain information after networks go down," yet local people still had no clear idea how to respond in such circumstances, per Taiwan-based media. "The so‑called mobile internet disruption drill has very limited practical combat value. And if a military conflict breaks out across the Taiwan Straits, the real‑world scenario would be far more complex than the DPP authorities have envisioned, with much higher costs to bear," Zhang Wensheng, a deputy dean and a professor at the Taiwan Research Institute at Xiamen University, told the Global Times. "The DPP authorities want the drill to stoke tensions, drumming up public backing for its combative defense policies and higher military budgets. Yet it fears over‑hyping the specter of war would disrupt daily life and erode its popular support, hence this superficial, showpiece drill," said the expert. According to Zhang, the DPP authorities also intend to test Taiwan residents' tolerance threshold. It seeks to observe whether the public will passively acquiesce or push back strongly, so as to assess the mobilization effect of its narratives of "resisting mainland to protect Taiwan" and "rejecting reunification by force." Prior to the mobile internet disruption drill in northern parts of Taiwan island, seven counties and cities in the central Taiwan region held the same drill on Monday afternoon. Many residents have questioned why the southern region was exempt. DPP officials claimed southern Taiwan had suffered real‑life communication outages in past years and that a drill in the southern part of the island scheduled to take place at 10 am, when the Stock Exchange of Taiwan region is open, could disrupt real-time stock transactions. "This drill is utterly absurd," Chou said, "The DPP probably figures that if anything goes wrong in central and northern Taiwan, it does not matter, local mayors would take the blame." Echoing Chou, Zhang said that the DPP authorities do not want drill‑related disruptions to harm their core support base in southern Taiwan, particularly Tainan and Kaohsiung. By contrast, jurisdictions across central and northern Taiwan include many areas ruled by the KMT, which are being used as test subjects for the exercise. By striking a posture of "combat readiness," hyping up cross‑Straits confrontation and ramping up ideological mobilization, the DPP aims to serve its interests in the year‑end local elections, he added. "However, voters always pay more attention to livelihoods, the economy and governance performance in local election. If DPP's political manipulation go too far, it will backfire," Zhang said. "The overwhelming majority of Taiwan compatriots refuse to become cannon‑fodder for secessionists." The DPP authorities do not hesitate to use the well‑being of Taiwan residents and cross‑Straits peace and stability as bargaining chips for their own political interests, fully laying bare its true colors as a troublemaker, the expert warned. 。
G | 近年来学界有一种声音逐渐清晰:好的成果一定都能发到CNS上吗?CNS上的成果一定就是最好的吗?这背后是对学术成果评价的思考。
H | Vita的答案是,回归学术本身。
I | “这个命题听上去有多简单,做起来就有多难。”李党生说,Vita的另一重使命,便是尝试探索新的评价体系。长久以来,学术期刊水平的评价体系被简单地让渡到单一指标,也就是影响因子。李党生并不反对影响因子,称其作为文献计量学指标有一定合理性。但根据英国经济学家查尔斯·古德哈特提出的古德哈特定律,当一个可量化指标成为政策制定目标或依据时,它便不再是一个好的指标,因为人们会百般操纵或优化该指标。施一公更是直言,对某些国产期刊来说,影响因子可以被“造”出来。而期刊的真实水平,最终取决于其原创论文的水平。李党生对Vita的期望是,其一直保持“以文为本”的评价体系,用一篇篇论文慢慢构建声誉。每年6月,全球数据分析服务公司科睿唯安发布的《期刊引证报告》会给出期刊上一年的影响因子。Vita系列期刊若要告别影响因子,该用什么样的指标去与其他期刊对话?李党生解释,新生期刊通常有一个评估期,一般在其运行三年后,才开始学术水平的评估和认定。Vita系列期刊的计划是,从前三年发表的原创论文中随机抽样,分发给领域内同行专家审读,多位专家根据论文学术质量和学术严谨性打分,综合这些分数,作为期刊学术水平的一种认定。不过,具体操作方案还有待完善。目前,Vita原创论文阅读量已超30万次,每篇论文平均阅读量上万次。2006年,李党生从美国回国,担任《细胞研究》的常务副主编时,从接触论文作者开始,争取那些“比期刊现有水平高一点点”的文章,一步步积累口碑。这也是Vita正在做的。Vita未来会把争取更多国外作者作为一个努力的方向。李党生解释,国内学术期刊品牌一打出来,自然首先受到中国科学家群体,乃至全球华人科学家群体的关注。之后,需在发展过程中逐渐扩展影响力。这一时间对Vita来说可能很长。李党生坦言,同水平的国外科学家有大量耳熟能详且备受推崇的期刊可以选择,目前优先考虑Vita的可能性很低。长久以来,国内学术期刊只能“借船出海”,即与国外出版社合作出版,通过国际出版平台的发行渠道和网上平台推介自己,提升国际影响力。要想实现品牌、运营完全自主自然需要“造船出海”。“不管你的货多好,船是人家的,听起来总归不太安全。
K | 最大的不同点在于,Vita免费开放,不向论文作者收取出版费用。开放获取期刊(即面向读者免费的期刊)的版面费又称论文处理费,用于覆盖出版成本。
L | 以《自然》杂志的子刊《自然-通讯》为例,它的论文处理费已从2016年的每篇3000美元飙升至2026年的7350美元。
M | 中国是国际学术期刊的重要稿源地,2024年中国作者开放期刊发文量占全球的30%以上,支付论文处理费9.09亿美元。中国学者将科研成果投向国外期刊,发论文付高额出版费用,这使得国内科研经费一直在间接补贴着国际出版商。
N | 今年2月,中国科学院宣布停止支付30个国际学术期刊的论文处理费,这加大了研究者的经费压力。业内人士指出,虽然出版商需要盈利,但高昂的版面费已经成为科研的负担。Vita作为新刊,人员、设施、宣传等开销不可避免,但仍选择在出版社、社会捐赠人等的支持下,免除版面费,这显然是在冲击国际顶刊。对学术期刊来说,更难的是如何留住顶尖成果,光免费显然是不够的。李党生认为,要和国际上影响力已达顶峰的知名期刊竞争,除了期刊本身提供的服务,还有政策支持。联盟对Vita最重要的承诺,就是联盟内任何研究组在Vita上发表的论文,用于其校内评估、绩效考核、学生毕业等方面时,和CNS等顶刊论文等效。中国科学院院士、复旦大学校长金力是联盟理事长,他表示,在复旦大学,Vita论文已被视为国际顶刊成果,与CNS没有区别。
o | 在李党生看来,这样的政策支持对于学术期刊的早期发展尤为重要。他坦言,每个人、每个团队能做的事很有限,Vita做的是“抓牛鼻子”,先将期刊做到顶级,再慢慢引领生命科学领域的其他国产期刊。
p | 在这一过程中,投稿去国外期刊的国内原创论文将逐渐回流,西方科学家的优质成果也或将被撬动,实现“从西向东”的转变。当然,一本期刊能做到的事也有限。Vita旨在破除“唯CNS”论,而多位受访者坦言,就破除“唯论文”而言,国内还有很长的路要走。李党生指出,顶刊能鼓励从0到1的原创,但科研人员面临“非升即走”的压力时,是追求“短平快”,还是静下心来做高风险高价值的研究,并不取决于期刊本身。这背后是仍待改革的科研评价体系。今年以来,随着“耿同学”等学术打假人的活跃,国际顶刊上诸多涉及学术不端的成果进入人们的视野。在李党生看来,原始数据操纵、AI伪造等行为必须严肃对待,所有期刊都在努力保证学术环境的洁净。但他坦言,指望期刊或审稿人揪出所有学术不端行为是不现实的。